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Addresses human rights in supply chain

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Why shareholder democracy is pivotal

What a brand requires of its suppliers, and whether it checks, is decided inside the brand, which is why this outcome rests on corporate conduct and sits at the top of the scale. The rating covers four things: whether a company bans prison labor in its supply chain, whether it asks suppliers to pay a living wage, whether it publishes a human rights policy at all, and whether it has audited for compliance. Each is a line in a supplier code or a purchase order rather than a law somebody has to pass first, and companies with the same suppliers choose differently. Ford, General Motors, Hormel Foods, Marriott and Michael Kors all adopted public no fees recruitment policies across their supply chains after a campaign by the Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility, and Hormel's supplier code now forbids charging job seekers recruitment fees and bars bonded, indentured and involuntary prison labor. Burger King and McDonald's take part in the farmworker-run Fair Food Program and Wendy's, alone among the five largest fast-food chains, does not, even though its own shareholders backed a report on protecting workers in its supply chain in 2021 with more than 95 percent of the votes cast for and against, in a year when over 100 investors and six state treasurers wrote to the company. Hershey published its first comprehensive human rights policy in April 2019 covering child labor, forced labor and living wages, after a decade of engagement in which a 2017 resolution was withdrawn on the company's commitment to write it. A political fight runs alongside and it is the lesser one. A study by the campaign group Finanzwende says lobbying by BlackRock and financial industry groups stripped due diligence duties for asset managers out of Europe's corporate sustainability due diligence directive, and later amendments pushed application to 2029, but the directive was adopted and is in force, and BlackRock did not answer when asked to respond. No rule in Brussels or Washington decides what a company writes into its supplier code or whether it sends auditors, so the lever that reaches this outcome is the purchase order, and it belongs to the shareholders of the company that writes it.

How this was scoredPivotal

Pivotal. Owners voting their values can deliver most of the outcome.

We have not yet written down the two answers behind this rating. Recording them on every item, so a reader can check the reasoning and not only the conclusion, is work in progress.

Every rating is the higher of two answers, one for what companies do and one for what they spend to stop the outcome, because the same vote reaches both. See the full method.

Sources

2 campaigns on record

As You Sow (on behalf of Investor Advocates for Social Justice) at Tesla, Inc.☆ Follow2023 · shareholder resolution

Asked Tesla's board to report on whether and how it would eliminate child labor and forced labor, including cobalt mining risk in the Democratic Republic of Congo and concerns about Uyghur forced labor in China, from its supply chain by 2025, and to increase supply-chain transparency.

Result: Per Tesla's own SEC Form 8-K, the proposal received 0 votes for and 2,420,047,519 votes against (100% against). This was a 'floor' proposal not included in Tesla's advance proxy materials or on shareholders' proxy ballots, which is why the recorded 'for' vote was zero.

Despite the zero-vote outcome, CEO Elon Musk publicly committed at the meeting to third-party audits of Tesla's cobalt supply chain ('we will conduct a third-party audit... we'll put a webcam on the mine'). As of a July 2024 Forbes report, the follow-through fell short of that promise: Tesla's main cobalt supplier posted only a single low-resolution monthly satellite photo of the mine rather than live monitoring, and while Tesla said four scheduled (not surprise) audits found no child labor in 2023, an expert said this did not address the risk that cobalt from an estimated 40,000 children working in unregulated artisanal mines gets mixed into the supply chain before reaching Tesla's suppliers.

Tesla Inc. Form 8-K (annual meeting voting results), SEC EDGAR

Domini Impact Investments at Nike, Inc.☆ Follow2023 · shareholder resolution

Asked Nike to publish a report on worker-driven social responsibility and explain why it has not joined binding worker-safety agreements like the Pakistan Accord (which competitors Adidas and Puma have signed), and raised concerns about forced labor and roughly $2.2 million in allegedly unpaid wages owed to about 4,000 garment workers in Cambodia and Thailand.

With a coalition of over 60 investors

Result: Per Yahoo Finance/Reuters reporting on the following year's repeat vote, the 2023 version of this proposal 'was rejected by nearly 80%' of votes cast; the proposal did not pass. A repeat proposal was voted down again in 2024; we could not confirm the exact 2024 percentage from the sources retrieved.

We found no documented change in Nike's supply-chain labor agreements or practices as a result of this campaign.

Nike shareholders vote against proposal on workers' rights, Reuters (via Yahoo Finance)

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How this rating was made

Every item on every one of our maps is read against one question: how far does this depend on the people who own companies voting their values? We answer it twice, once for what companies do and once for what they spend to stop the outcome, and take whichever answer is higher, since the same vote reaches both. The score carries its reasoning and its sources so that a reader can check it rather than take it.

  • Pivotal. Owners voting their values can deliver most of the outcome.
  • Necessary. Owners remove an obstacle nothing else removes, and others must also act.
  • Helpful. Owners voting their values help, and others carry most of it.
  • Independent. This moves without owners. Other levers carry it.

The advocacy record on this page holds only what a source we opened says happened. Where we searched and found nothing, the page says so rather than leaving a silence. Where a campaign names a filer the source does not name, it says that too. Ratings are ours; the list of subjects is JUST Capital's, and we link to their original.

How we score dependency, in full.